EMPOWERING INDIA’S LAITY

1. INTRODUCTION: One needs a detailed analysis of the Catholic Church in India, to understand the status of its laity. It is only then that one can understand the driving force behind the proposed Synod of Indian Lay Catholics, sponsored by the All India Catholic Union (AICU), scheduled for early 2012. 2. BRIEF HISTORY OF THE CHURCH: Christianity came to India centuries before it entered Europe, from where missionaries later came to convert us. This history is divided into five distinct eras: Apostolic, Early Colonial, British, Post-Independence, and Post-Vatican II. a. Apostolic: St Thomas the Apostle came to India circa 62 AD. He was well received by the people of the Malabar Coast in the southwest, which is the modern State of Kerala. There was large-scale conversion, particularly from the privileged classes. Perhaps for this reason Christianity did not spread out from there for 19 centuries. This ancient church had its leadership from Syria, not Rome, and the majority of Catholics in Kerala today belong to the ancient Syro-Malabar or Syro-Malankara Rites. b. Early Colonial: This was mainly Portuguese influence, from the 15th Century, because of St Francis Xavier. This too was on the southwest coast at Goa. Unfortunately the Portuguese missionaries came into conflict with the Syrian Christians in Kerala, whom they accused of being Nestorian heretics. The Portuguese converted the poor coastal Keralites, who now belong to the Latin Rite. c. British Era: Missionaries from European countries came in the wake of the British Colonialists (17th century). Despite their great fervour and sacrifices, they were identified with the white man, the ruling class. The Salesians in the northeast and the Jesuits in the central plains, through education and emancipation, converted large numbers of Tribals. In some pockets of Tamilnadu, Andhra Pradesh and Punjab a number of Dalits (untouchables) were also converted. However, Christianity failed to make any major inroads into India. d. Post-Independence: After India gained independence from the British in 1947, the church continued with its old colonial mindset of handing out education, employment and social benefits. Obviously these services did attract some to Christianity. e. Post-Vatican II: Post-Independence the church was already facing an identity crisis. With the changed ecclesiology of Vatican II, the church floundered. Initially it embraced de-structuring, inculturation, liturgical reforms and a preferential option for the poor. It did not have the spiritual stamina or the visionary leadership required for such drastic changes. It therefore fell back on its “tried and tested” style of functioning – pious devotions and powerful institutions, to keep it going. 3. THE CHURCH TODAY: Before Vatican II, evangelisation or conversions were a driving force for the missionaries. We had to save souls! Post Vatican II, what do we do, if all can be saved? Some cold statistics will help a true analysis. The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India (CBCI) published its last statistical yearbook, “The Catholic Directory of India” in 1998; hence we will have to rely on some rather old data. POPULATION WORLD INDIA All Catholics 989,366,000 14,908,000 Bishops, Priests & Religious (Personnel) -1,360,112 - 101,096 Lay Catholics 988,065,888 14,806,904 Personnel to Laity Ratio 1:726 1:146 This table shows that India’s Church Personnel to Laity Ratio is five times higher than the world’s. Let us now examine some other statistics from the directory, which unfortunately has not updated these parameters after 1990. CATEGORY 1969 1990 Growth % age Parishes 3,513 6,277 79 Catholic Population 7,607,286 13,424,000 76 Institutions 8,877 22,865 158 This again shows that even in the post-Vatican II era, institutions have grown at double the rate of the parishes and the population! One must conclude that the church is heavily institutionalised and clericalised. In such a lopsided growth where does the laity find a place? 4. THE INDIAN ETHOS: India, though a distinct geographical region, became a modern nation state about 200 years ago, largely due to British rule. However, this nation has an ancient ethos. It is a country with 35 States and Union Territories. It has 1652 mother tongues, of which 22 are recognised by its Constitution. Other than territorial and linguistic divisions, it also has social, religious and ethnic divides, making it a disparate but heterogeneous country. According to the Census of India 2001 80.44 % of the population is Hindu, 13.42 % is Muslim and 2.33 % is Christian. India has been the cradle of ancient religions like Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism, besides having a strong Islamic presence. We also have a large tribal population, who are animists. In Hinduism we also have the caste system, which is a social hierarchy by birthright. Those outside the caste structure are referred to as outcastes, earlier untouchables, and today referred to as dalits (oppressed classes). 5. INDIA TODAY: India is no longer the land of snake charmers, elephants and maharajas. It has kept abreast with the times, to be termed an emergent nation with a robust economy that withstood the economic depression in the West. Its economic gains have resulted in a reverse brain drain, back to India. There has also been a spiritual train – people from the west seeking spiritual solace. Individual laypersons have benefited from economic gains and intellectual prowess. However, the role of the church in this change is debatable. Today the state and private players (even industrialists) have assumed a major role in education and social services, that at one time were the near exclusive domain of the church. Many would argue that the church’s contribution in the educational, health and welfare sectors is unparalleled. Agreed. But that is passé in a modern welfare state. This gradual redundancy is also reflected in its dwindling resource mobilisation. 6. THE STATUS OF THE LAITY: In the light of the above we need to assess the status of the laity as a collective unit, as against individual success stories or brilliance. I will divide the status of the laity under 9 heads: a. Financial: Most of the laity is financially worse off than the clergy who have purportedly renounced the world! They are heavily dependent on the institutionalised church for jobs, education, welfare schemes etc. However, financial control of community assets vests almost entirely in the hands of the hierarchy. All projects are controlled by the hierarchy, which is not competent or equipped to handle finance. Finance Committees, as provided for in Canon Law, are non-existent. There is little or no accountability or transparency. b. Institutions: The same goes for institutions, which are in the total control of the clergy and religious. Laypersons cannot even aspire to be Principals or heads of church run institutions. In Kerala, lay aspirants have to pay a large donation to the church for an ordinary teacher’s job. c. Sociological: Since a vast majority of the laity is from tribal, dalit or economically disadvantaged sections of society, the social divide adds to the financial one. d. Psychological: Add to this the former image of missionaries being white skins/ ruling class/ high caste, and the chasm deepens. The paternalistic attitude of the clergy (contrary to the fraternalism of the Gospels and Vatican II) has driven a psychological wedge between the hierarchy and the laity, with the latter becoming totally subservient. e. Spiritual: There is hardly any faith formation after Confirmation classes. Adult catechesis is non-existent. Hence the laity continues to fall back on popular pious devotions to fulfil its spiritual aspirations. f. Intellectual: There have been individual giants in the fields of politics, bureaucracy, judiciary, diplomacy, armed forces etc. This vast pool of talent is kept out of the purview of the institutional church. On the other hand the number of laypersons with knowledge of Canon Law, Vatican II ecclesiology etc is abysmally low. g. Ritual: For historical reasons the church in Kerala was divided into the Syro-Malabar, Syro-Malankara and Latin Rites. Since the vast majority of bishops, priests and religious are from Kerala, this ritual divide has spilled over from Kerala. Even the CBCI, the national episcopal body, has been divided on the lines of Rite. Hence the laity stands further divided, further weakening it. h. Participation: Vatican II and Canon Law provided for participatory structures like Pastoral and Parish Councils, and decision-making powers for the laity. Such bodies, where they do exist, are usually filled with sycophants, thereby defeating their very purpose. i. Organisational: The AICU and its affiliated Catholic Associations are probably the only autonomous lay organisations in the country. But even they are under constant pressure from the hierarchy. Even in secular affairs like politics, the hierarchy does not respect the legitimate role and space of lay organisations and leadership. 7. LAY SYNOD: One may conclude that the laity is powerless and directionless. It is in this context that a handful of laypersons felt the need of a Lay Synod, which would not be dominated by the clergy/ hierarchy; to freely express their hopes and aspirations. The Synod does not seek to chart an agenda for the future. It is primarily a sounding board, seeking to know God’s will and how to fulfil it. Hence it does not have a pre-determined goal. If there is a consensus on major issues, then the AICU may spearhead the implementation of the same. However, at this stage it would be improper to pre-empt the working of the Holy Spirit, who should be our guide in empowering the Indian Catholic laity. * The writer is a former National President of the AICU, and presently its Spokesperson. However, the views expressed herein are personal.

A DECENT DOZEN

“A Dirty Dozen” was a Hollywood blockbuster of yesteryears. “A Dirty Picture” is Bollywood’s latest rage. But I have selected “A Decent Dozen”. Let me tell you why. The recent nomination of Sachin Tendulkar to the Rajya Sabha (RS) has raised many questions in both sports and political circles. The Congress thought that it was a strategic masterstroke; while its political opponents cried “foul”. The nomination of film star Rekha did not attract the same attention, eventhough she is as attractive as ever. I have been incensed by these nominations to the RS. In the past, sportspersons like Navjyot Singh Siddhu, Mohd Azaruddin and Aslam Sher Khan have won elections to the Lok Sabha. That was the choice of the electorate, with which I have no quarrel. Film stars like Sunil Dutt, Dharmendra, Govinda and Jayapradha have also won elections to the Lok Sabha. In Tamilnadu, Andhra and Karnataka, film stars have wielded immense clout in the State Assembly elections. That again was the voters’ choice. But nominating film stars and sportspersons to the RS makes no sense to me; be it Dara Singh, Hema Malini, Jaya Bachchan; or now Sachin and Rekha. The track record of such celebrities is dubious, so why have them at all? Article 80 (1a) of the Constitution says that the Council of States (Rajya Sabha) shall have “twelve members to be nominated by the President in accordance with the provisions of Clause 3”. That Clause states that such nominees “shall consist of persons having special knowledge or practical experience in respect of such matters as the following, namely: - literature, science, art and social service”. Article 84b stipulates a minimum age of 30 years. Why such a proviso? Nominations augment elections, to accommodate such worthies who, for whatever reason, were not elected. The implication is that such “experienced” persons would contribute to the legislative process and enlighten debates. Most film stars, sportspersons and celebrities just don’t fit the bill, but the nation is expected to foot their bills! I am obviously not the President of India, and therefore do not have the authority to nominate anybody to the RS. However, as a citizen of India I have a right to express my views. Hence I have chosen “A Decent Dozen” to be nominated to the RS. Here they are. 1. ANNA HAZARE: Anna has been in the forefront of the anti-corruption crusade, or more correctly in pushing for what his team calls the Jan Lokpal Bill. It is a proposal that cuts into all the wings of Govt – the Legislature, the Executive and the Judiciary. A bill with such far-reaching consequences and ramifications cannot be rushed; nor can it be brushed aside. Anna would therefore do well to be in the RS where he would have first-hand exposure to the nuances of legislation and governance. He has in any case admitted that he may not be able to win an election, so he is my first nominee to the RS. 2. BABA RAMDEV: From his hirsute pursuit of yoga postures he has now become a swadeshi industrialist, with 34 companies under his belt. He is now in hot pursuit of black money stashed abroad. He could begin his treasure hunt from the RS itself. 3. JAMES LYNGDOH: This former Chief Election Commissioner has gone on record that his greatest achievement was to conduct free and fair elections in Kashmir (perhaps for the first time ever). He has not retired. It is his organisation that filed a case in the Supreme Court objecting to the appointment of an allegedly tainted Thomas as the Chief Vigilance Commissioner. Lyngdoh’s continued vigilance would be an asset to the RS. 4. N. RAM: He is the editor of The Hindu that originally broke the Bofors story. He is known for his leftist and secular views. 5. VINOD MEHTA: The editor of Outlook magazine is another erudite thinker, speaker and a familiar face in TV debates. 6. PROF YASHPAL: Former Chairperson of the University Grants Commission, and eminent scientist, who was able to connect with youth through his TV programmes, he would add a scientific temper (not ill-temper) to RS debates. 7. RAHUL BAJAJ: An industrialist from a family of nationalists that supported Mahatma Gandhi in the freedom struggle, Bajaj has his head on his shoulders in any TV debate; be it political, social or industrial. 8. AZIM PREMJI: Though one of the richest Indians, the head of Wipro does not believe in paying bribes, he walks up the stairs to his office, and flies economy class. He would add class to the RS. 9. MEDHA PATKAR: A sincere activist who advocates jal, jangal aur jamin for the rural and tribal people. When Naxalism and Maoism are spreading their tentacles we need another approach in the development versus displacement debate, and the rights of the tribals over natural resources like water, land, forests and mineral deposits. 10. ARUNA ROY: She is one of those who pushed for the Right to Information Act, and whose version of the Lokpal Bill is considered by many as better than both Anna’s and the Govt’s. 11. SHABNAM HASHMI: The widow of slain activist and dramatist Safdar Hashmi, she has continued undeterred with her late husband’s crusade for justice and communal harmony. 12. SOLI SORABJI: Before the Parsis in India become extinct let us have one in the RS. He is probably the most erudite and sane person among contemporary legal luminaries. He would illuminate any legislative act. I have no doubt that there are more than a dozen decent and deserving Indians to be nominated to the RS. The above are some of those who came to my mind. I wonder if any of my nominees will enter the hallowed portals of the RS, as its esteemed members? That does not deter me from exercising my choice. They are certainly better than Sachin and Rekha. Jesus spent all night in prayer before making his choice of A Decent Dozen, the twelve Apostles. None of them were perfect, and one even betrayed him. Despite that, can we fault his choice? I hope readers won’t fault mine! * The writer is a social, civic and political activist.

INDIA’S VANISHING CHRISTIANS

Nine out of ten Christians in Bihar have disappeared! In Andhra Pradesh the population of Christians has decreased. The Population Growth Rate (PGR) of Christians in Goa and Kerala is a fraction of the national average. But Delhi has seen a phenomenal growth in the number of Christians. Don’t believe me, but believe the statistics of the Census of India. A study of the figures for 1961 and 2001 (the latest available) is startling. Are they facts? Yes and no, for statistics are easily manipulatable. I do not wish to be a manipulator, so I will present both facts and figures.

The figures in the attached annexure are taken from the Census of India report of 2001. In 1961 there were 502,195 Christians in Bihar. Forty years later, in 2001, they were down to just 53,137, a drop of 89%! What the statistics don’t say is that in the interregnum a new State of Jharkhand was formed, and the majority of erstwhile Bihar’s Christians are to be found there. The data shows that the All India PGR between 1961 and 2001 was 134%. In contrast the Muslim PGR was much higher at 194%, while the Christians’ was lower at 124%. IN Delhi the Christian PGR was 345%, obviously because of immigration. Andhra Pradesh is the only State where the Christian population has actually dwindled from 1,428,729 in 1961 to 1,181,917 in 2001, a negative growth of 17%. And Telengana is still a part of Andhra. What does this indicate? Andhra has been in the forefront of the Dalit Christian movement. Is this indicative that the denial of equal rights to Dalit Christians has resulted in large-scale apostasy in Andhra? So much for our evangelisation.

Kerala and Goa are the two States that had a well-entrenched Christian presence. Their statistics merit attention. As against the national PGR of 134, and the Christian PGR of 124, in Goa the Christian PGR is lowest at 58%, and Kerala is not much better at 69%. Before we set the alarm bells ringing, we need to look at some other demographic realities.

Both Kerala and Goa have a high exodus of emigrants to other countries and States. Equally, they have a large influx of immigrant labour, as Keralites and Goans find manual labour below their dignity. Family planning is also more evident in both these States. In 2001 the Proportion of Age (0 – 6 years) had a national average of 15.9%. The average for Muslims was again higher at 18.7%, while that of Christians was lower at 13.5%. Goan Christians had the lowest proportion at 9.6%, while Kerala’s was 11.2%. Literacy has been a contributory factor. In 2001 the national literacy rate was 64.8%, while for women it was 53.7%. Among Christian Goans this was much higher at 83.8% and 78.8% respectively. Kerala Christians fared even better at 94.8% and 93.5% respectively.

One’s nature of work is also related to population growth. Those who till the land believe that for every mouth to feed there are two hands to work. They consider children an asset, not a liability. But the nature of Christian workers in Goa and Kerala again is different from the national norm. Among the categories of workers in 2001, the national average for cultivators and agricultural labourers was 58.2%. In contrast, for Goan Christians this was just 11.4%, and for Kerala Christians it was 24%. Small wonder then that all these factors have contributed to the vanishing Christians of Goa and Kerala (though Andhra is a sociological, not a demographic problem).

It is in this context that we need to address recent developments like the “Welfare of Women & Children Bill 2011” in the Kerala Assembly, and the strident reactions from Muslim and Christian religious leaders in Kerala. Why is the Bill so objectionable?

It seeks to enact harsh measures to control the population. It advocates a two-child norm; and three months’ jail or a fine of Rs 10,000/- for those who don’t follow this diktat. It further says that those organisations or individuals that campaign against family planning would also face imprisonment. This draconian measure has been likened to Sanjay Gandhi’s forced sterilisation drives during the Emergency (1975-77), and China’s one-child policy (1979).

Writing in Indian Currents (IC) Dr John Dayal says that China’s population policy has resulted in 30 million Chinese men without wives, with the attendant danger of increased violence against women and prostitution. A newspaper report says that wife-supplying agencies have erupted, arranging for women (wives) from Vietnam, with a money back guarantee of satisfaction. This is not surprising. Unabated female foeticide in India has resulted in a skewed sex ratio, with men from Haryana and Rajasthan actually paying for brides from poorer States. So the danger of excessive State control is real. However, Kerala, which incidentally has a high sex ratio, also has the highest population density of 859 persons per sq km; which Dr Dayal says is 3 times higher than the national average.

How has the Kerala church responded to this complex issue of a dense population and a draconian Bill? Long before any Bill was on the horizon the late Cardinal Vithayathil had advocated larger families; accusing parents who could afford it, of being selfish, by not producing more children. At that time I had strongly rebutted the cardinal’s convoluted logic. Now St Vincent de Paul Forane Church in Wynad district of Kerala has announced a Rs 10,000/- fixed deposit to be given to parents that produce a fifth child. The person who made the announcement, Salu Mecheril, is also the spokesperson of the Kerala Catholic Bishops’ Conference. So the announcement cannot be treated in isolation. The secular press has already splashed the news and made adverse editorial comments. The Kerala laity has also not taken this lying down. As reported in IC, Joseph Pullikkunel, Director, Indian Institute of Christian Studies, has objected, saying that “Catholic women are not just human machines producing children”.

The Kerala Bill is downright insane, even though the Christian Chief Minister of Kerala, Oommen Chandy, claims that “resentment against the draft is unwarranted”. How warranted is the reaction of the Catholic hierarchy? Rev Mathew O. Praem, writing in the same issue of IC, lets the cat out of the bag when he says that the bishops’ policy is “mainly in view of languishing vocations to priestly and religious life”. Had a layman like me said this, I would have immediately been branded anti-clerical. Coming from the horse’s mouth, need I say more? The reality is that large families in Kerala generously sent many of their offspring to novitiates and seminaries. Several foreign congregations even set up “fishing centres” in Kerala. With small families, the boom is over. They are no longer willing to contribute their mites (pun intended)!

This month the world population will cross the 7 billion mark. Here in India we are unable to define poverty. Infrastructure has collapsed, and forests have been slashed because of a burgeoning population. Voluntary family planning is essential to macro planning, and should not be opposed on purely sectarian grounds like empty novitiates and seminaries.

One must also ask the Catholic Church how effective has its propagation of Natural Family Planning (NFP) been? I taught about NFP before I got married! From the Rhythm Method we had progressed to the Sympto-Thermic Method, the Ovulation Method and the Modified Mucous Method. What happened? I throw an open challenge to the Catholic bishops of India to show us how many NFP centres are functioning in India today, and how many adherents they have. There is also mounting evidence that the Catholic Church is unable to cover the socio-economic needs of its existing members, particularly that of the Dalit Christians. So why talk of financial support to a fifth child?

The draconian Kerala bill should be thrown out, and the bishops’ fixed deposits with it. We need flexibility not fixity.

STATISTICAL DATA
Source – Census of India Report 2001

Population Growth Rate from 1961 to 2001 (40 years)

Category 1961 2001 % age Growth
All Religions 439,234,771 1,028,610,328 134
Muslims 46,940,799 138,188,240 194
Christians 10,728,086 24,080,016 124
Christians in Delhi 29,269 130,319 345
Christians in Bihar 502,195 53,137 -89
Christians in Goa 227,202 359,568 58%
Christians in Andhra 1,428,729 1,181,917 -17
Christians in Kerala 3,587,365 6,057,427 69

Proportion of Age (0-6 years)

Category Percentage
All India 15.9
Muslims 18.7
Christians 13.5
Christians in Goa 9.6
Christians in Kerala 11.2

Literacy Rates – 2001 (in percent)

Category All Female
All India 64.8 53.7
Christians 80.3 76.2
Christians in Goa 83.8 78.8
Christians in Kerala 94.8 93.5

Categories of Workers – 2001 (in percent)

Category All India Christians Christians in Goa Christians in Kerala
Cultivators 31.7 29.2 4.8 12.8
Agricultural Labourers 26.5 15.3 6.6 11.2
Household Industry 4.2 2.7 3.1 2.5
Others 37.6 52.8 85.4 73.5

* The writer has 42 years of experience in youth ministry, marriage preparation and community leadership.
October 2011